A giant billboard advertising the National Convention draws little interest from
the majority of Burmese people (Photo: AFP)
The Devil’s in the Details
By WAI MOE
Sunday, February 10, 2008.
Burmese pro-democracy groups and the international community voiced concerns over the junta’s announcement on Saturday of a referendum election on a new constitution to be held in May and a general election to be held in 2010.
A British foreign office spokesperson said, “The transition to democracy in Burma requires the participation of all political stakeholders,” voicing concerns raised by many Burma observers.
The government of Singapore, which currently holds the chair of the regional Asean group of countries, said the plan to hold a constitutional referendum and election was “a positive development” but the political process must “inclusive” of all groups.
State-run media announced the junta passed two decrees signed by Lt-Gen Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, secretary 1 of the military council.
The first decree said the constitution referendum will complete the fourth step of the “seven-step road map to democracy.” Though not perfect, the proposed constitution will serve the basic needs of “the state and nationalities” of the country, according to the decree.
The second decree called for a nationwide democratic election of representatives to form a government, replacing the junta-ruled military government.
Nyan Win, a spokesperson of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy on Sunday that setting both dates at the same time was strange.
“The junta seems to be overly confident that its proposed constitution will be approved in the referendum,” he said. “We don’t know if the people will vote yes or no in the referendum. Normally, an election date is set following a referendum.”
Nyan Win also noted the lack of inclusion of opposition group leaders in the process, including Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic leaders, as called for by the international community.
“If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma,” he said.
When the junta formed a National Convention to draft guidelines for a new constitution, the opposition called the convention a sham. The proposed constitution that seeks the people’s approval was drafted by a junta-picked committee formed by the government.
Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students group, said citizens must study the proposed constitution carefully, since pro-democracy groups were excluded from the drafting process.
He noted the junta announced a decree, known as 5/96, in 1996 that prohibits criticism of the national convention. If convicted, a person can receive a life sentence.
“Unless 5/96 is withdrawn, the referendum in May will not be free and fair,” said Tun Myint Aung. “That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta’s plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy.”
A veteran politician in Rangoon, Chan Tun, said the junta’s decrees were vague and unclear whether the voting would be democratic and transparent.
“The junta must be clear what it will do if the people vote ‘no,’ and if the referendum is free and fair,” he said. “In the 1990 election, the Burmese people chose a democratic government, but the junta ignored the election results.”
Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator in Thailand, said the two announcements were probably tactics to prolong military rule and a way to avoid meaningful pro-democracy dialogue, as called for by the international community.
“It means the junta does not want to compromise with dissidents,” he said. “Dialogue is death [to the junta] and [without dialogue] the Burmese conflict goes to a more dangerous level. The result is there will be only a nominal democracy or a ‘disciplined democracy’,” as the military has called for.
Larry Jagan, a British journalist who specializes in Burma issues, said that until the details of a constitutional referendum and general election are known, it is impossible to say whether the junta has made a significant step towards a real democracy.
The junta was badly defeated in the 1990 general election, he noted, and the generals may have tricks to use against the NLD and other candidates, including limiting their ability to field candidates, raise money and run a campaign.
Simply announcing the referendum and general election dates does not enhance the junta’s credibility, he said.
Jagan said the real issue is true dialogue which is not taking place.
A British foreign office spokesperson said, “The transition to democracy in Burma requires the participation of all political stakeholders,” voicing concerns raised by many Burma observers.
The government of Singapore, which currently holds the chair of the regional Asean group of countries, said the plan to hold a constitutional referendum and election was “a positive development” but the political process must “inclusive” of all groups.
State-run media announced the junta passed two decrees signed by Lt-Gen Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, secretary 1 of the military council.
The first decree said the constitution referendum will complete the fourth step of the “seven-step road map to democracy.” Though not perfect, the proposed constitution will serve the basic needs of “the state and nationalities” of the country, according to the decree.
The second decree called for a nationwide democratic election of representatives to form a government, replacing the junta-ruled military government.
Nyan Win, a spokesperson of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy on Sunday that setting both dates at the same time was strange.
“The junta seems to be overly confident that its proposed constitution will be approved in the referendum,” he said. “We don’t know if the people will vote yes or no in the referendum. Normally, an election date is set following a referendum.”
Nyan Win also noted the lack of inclusion of opposition group leaders in the process, including Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic leaders, as called for by the international community.
“If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma,” he said.
When the junta formed a National Convention to draft guidelines for a new constitution, the opposition called the convention a sham. The proposed constitution that seeks the people’s approval was drafted by a junta-picked committee formed by the government.
Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students group, said citizens must study the proposed constitution carefully, since pro-democracy groups were excluded from the drafting process.
He noted the junta announced a decree, known as 5/96, in 1996 that prohibits criticism of the national convention. If convicted, a person can receive a life sentence.
“Unless 5/96 is withdrawn, the referendum in May will not be free and fair,” said Tun Myint Aung. “That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta’s plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy.”
A veteran politician in Rangoon, Chan Tun, said the junta’s decrees were vague and unclear whether the voting would be democratic and transparent.
“The junta must be clear what it will do if the people vote ‘no,’ and if the referendum is free and fair,” he said. “In the 1990 election, the Burmese people chose a democratic government, but the junta ignored the election results.”
Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator in Thailand, said the two announcements were probably tactics to prolong military rule and a way to avoid meaningful pro-democracy dialogue, as called for by the international community.
“It means the junta does not want to compromise with dissidents,” he said. “Dialogue is death [to the junta] and [without dialogue] the Burmese conflict goes to a more dangerous level. The result is there will be only a nominal democracy or a ‘disciplined democracy’,” as the military has called for.
Larry Jagan, a British journalist who specializes in Burma issues, said that until the details of a constitutional referendum and general election are known, it is impossible to say whether the junta has made a significant step towards a real democracy.
The junta was badly defeated in the 1990 general election, he noted, and the generals may have tricks to use against the NLD and other candidates, including limiting their ability to field candidates, raise money and run a campaign.
Simply announcing the referendum and general election dates does not enhance the junta’s credibility, he said.
Jagan said the real issue is true dialogue which is not taking place.
No comments:
Post a Comment